History of the 1916 Rising Stair Éirí Amach 1916

Dublin in ruins during the 1916 Rising

The men and women of the 1916 Rising envisaged a new Ireland as a national democracy; an Ireland which, in the words of the Proclamation, "guarantees religious and civil liberty, equal rights and equal opportunities to all its citizens, and [which] declares its resolve to pursue the happiness and prosperity of the whole nation and all of its parts, cherishing all of the children of the nation equally." They believed that this could only be achieved through complete independence.

Shamhlaigh fir agus mná Éirí Amach 1916 Éire nua a bheadh ina daonlathas náisiúnta; Éire, i bhfocail an Fhorógra, a "ráthaíonn … saoirse creidimh agus saoirse shibhialta, comhchearta agus comhdheiseanna, dá saoránaigh uile, agus [a dhearbhaíonn] gurb é a rún séan agus sonas a lorg don náisiún uile agus do gach roinn di, a comhchúram do chlainn uile an náisiúin." Chreid siad gur le neamhspleáchas amháin a d’fhéadfaí sin a bhaint amach.

Aspirations of the 1916 Rising

Aidhmeanna Éirí Amach 1916

When they seized the General Post Office in Dublin on Easter Monday, 24 April 1916, the leaders of the Rising proclaimed a free Irish Republic in which the egalitarian idea was centrally enshrined. The Proclamation, which was first read out by Patrick Pearse on the steps of the GPO just after noon, declared the rights of the people of Ireland to be sovereign. It looked forward to the establishment of a native Government elected on the democratic principles of self-determination and government by consent. The 1916 Rising set in train an unstoppable process which led to the separation of Ireland from Great Britain.

The events of 1916 must be viewed against the backdrop of the broader nationalist movement, the convictions of those who opposed any weakening of the link with the Crown and the momentous events being played out on the battlefields of Europe in one of the bloodiest conflicts that the world had ever seen. It should be noted that the continuing threat of conscription brought about by the manpower needs of the war consolidated the growing rift within the popular opinion. The ongoing frustration within Nationalist Ireland at the lack of progress on Home Rule, the prospect that it would not even be for the whole island, reinforced by the refusal of the British War Office to allow the creation of a distinctly Irish Brigade, and its rejection of even an Irish divisional badge, was compounded by the abhorrence of the executions.

Nuair a ghabh siad Ard-Oifig an Phoist i mBaile Átha Cliath Luan Cásca, an 24 Aibreán 1916, d’fhógair ceannairí an Éirí Amach Poblacht na hÉireann a bheadh saor agus a mbeadh an chothromaíocht ina croíghné de. Dearbhaíonn an Forógra, a léigh Pádraig Mac Piarais ar dtús ar chéimeanna Ard-Oifig an Phoist díreach tar éis meán lae, cearta mhuintir ina hÉireann a bheith ceannasach. Bhíothas ag tnúth le Rialtas dúchais a bhunú a bheadh tofa ar phrionsabail dhaonlathacha an fhéinchinnidh agus rialú le toil. Chuir éirí amach 1916 tús le próiseas nach bhféadfaí a stopadh agus as ar lean Éire agus an Bhreatain Mhór a dheighilt óna chéile.

Caithfear breathnú ar imeachtaí 1916 i gcomhthéacs ghluaiseacht náisiúnach níos leithne, tuairimí láidre na ndaoine a bhí in aghaidh aon lagú a dhéanamh ar an nasc leis an gCoróin agus na himeachtaí móra a bhí ar siúl ar pháirceanna an áir san Eoraip i gceann de na coimhlintí ab fhuiltí a fachtas riamh ar domhan. Ba chóir a thabhairt ar aird gur neartaigh baol leanúnach an choinscríofa a bhí ann mar gur theastaigh an oiread daoine le haghaidh an cogadh a throid an scoilt a bhí ag méadú i measc na ndaoine go ginearálta. Bhí an t-éadóchas leanúnach i measc na Náisiúnaithe in Éirinn faoin easpa dul chun cinn ó thaobh Rialtais Dúchais, agus go bhféadfadh sé tarlú nach bhfaigheadh an t-oileán ar fad Rialtas Dúchais, agus diúltú Oifig Chogaidh na Breataine cead a thabhairt Briogáid Éireannach a chruthú, agus fiú diúltú na hOifige sin do shuaitheantas rannánach Éireannach, níos measa fós de bharr na ndaoine a bhí á gcur chun báis.

Home Rule

Rialtas Dúchais

The demand for Home Rule as articulated by the Irish Parliamentary Party had dominated Irish politics since the 1870s. This was strongly resisted by Unionism. As the prospect of some form of Home Rule gained momentum in the early 1900s, Ulster increasingly became the focus of Unionism’s attempts to resist Home Rule.

The imminent passage of the third Home Rule Bill, influenced by a British Government’s parliamentary dependency on Irish MPs, led to the formation by Unionists of the Ulster Volunteer Force in 1912. This represented an attempt to prevent the implementation of the third Home Rule Bill by the threat of force and precipitated the formation of the nationalist Irish Volunteers. The outbreak of World War I overshadowed the Irish crisis. The long awaited Home Rule Bill, though placed on the statute book, was not to come into effect until after the war, at which point special arrangements, yet to be negotiated, to meet the objections of Ulster Unionists would be introduced.

Bhí an t-éileamh ar Rialtas Dúchais de réir mar a bhí curtha chun cinn ag Páirtí Parlaiminteach na hÉireann go mór chun tosaigh i bpolaitíocht na hÉireann ó na 1870idí. Chuir na hAontachtaithe go mór ina aghaidh. De réir mar a bhí borradh ag teacht faoi chineál éigin de Rialtas Dúchais i dtús na 1900idí, ba mhó a bhí na hAontachtaithe ag díriú ar Chúige Uladh agus iad ag cur in aghaidh Rialtas Dúchais.

Chruthaigh na hAontachtaithe Óglaigh Uladh mar gheall ar an tríú Bille Rialtais Dúchais a bheith ar tí a rith, Bille a bhí faoi thionchar ag spléachas parlaiminteach Rialtas na Breataine ar MPanna na hÉireann. Is éard a bhí i gceist ansin iarracht an tríú Bille Rialtais Dúchais a chosc trí fhorneart a bhagairt agus is ina dhiaidh sin a cruthaíodh Óglaigh na hÉireann náisiúnach. Ba mhó i gceist tosú An Chéad Chogadh Domhanda ná géarchéim na hÉireann. Ní raibh Bille an Rialtais Dúchais a rabhthas ag feitheamh le fada air le teacht i bhfeidhm go dtí tar éis an chogaidh, cé go raibh sé curtha ar an gclár reachtanna, agus ag an tráth sin bheadh socruithe speisialta, a bhí le socrú go fóill, le tabhairt isteach chun freastal ar agóidí Aontachtaithe Uladh.

World War I

An Chéad Chogadh Domhanda

Official British estimates record over 200,000 Irishmen, from both traditions, fought in World War I with approximately 40,000 losing their lives. For Unionism, it was an issue of loyalty to the Crown. For Nationalists the situation was more complex. The leader of the Irish Parliamentary Party, John Redmond, was also the nominal political leader of the Irish Volunteers. At a speech in Woodenbridge in September 1914, he pledged his support for the war effort and called on the Volunteers to go “wherever the firing line extends.” The majority of the Volunteers supported Redmond’s position and formed the National Volunteers. A smaller contingent led by Eoin MacNeill kept the name Irish Volunteers and refused to support the British war effort.

The war was initially promoted by Britain as “the defence of little Belgium”. It later evolved into one fought for the rights of small nations as expressed by President Wilson, and the principle of self determination for such nations, especially in the defeated central European Empires formed much of the debate at the subsequent peace talks at Versailles. For some Irish nationalists there was an irony in fighting in the British army for such a cause. Moreover initial public enthusiasm for the war quickly faded as it was felt that there was little recognition for the contribution of those Irishmen who had enlisted. The Rising casualty lists, allied to the threat of conscription, further dented such enthusiasm.

De réir mheastacháin oifigiúla na Breataine, bhí os cionn 200,000 Éireannach, ón dá thraidisiún, ag troid sa Chéad Chogadh Domhanda agus maraíodh thart ar 40,000 díobh. I gcás na nAontachtaithe, dílseacht don Choróin a bhí i gceist.I gcás na Náisiúnaithe bhí an cás níos casta. Ba é ceannaire Pháirtí Parlaiminteach na hÉireann, Seán Mac Réamainn, ceannaire polaitiúil ainmniúil ar Óglaigh na hÉireann freisin. Ag óráid a thug sé i nGearradh na nGabhlán i Meán Fómhair 1914, d’fhógair sé a thacaíocht don chogadh agus d’iarr ar an hÓglaigh dul chun cogaíochta. Thacaigh tromlach na nÓglach le seasamh Mhic Réamainn agus bhunaigh siad na hÓglaigh Náisiúnta. Choinnigh líon níos lú faoi cheannas Eoin Mhic Néill an t-ainm Óglaigh na hÉireann agus dhiúltaigh siad tacú le feachtas cogaidh na Breataine.

Ba í an bholscaireacht a rinne an Bhreatain ar an gcogadh ar dtús báire ná go raibh siad ag cosaint tír bheag na Beilge. D’athraigh sé ina dhiaidh sin go dtí cogadh a bhí á throid ar mhaithe le cearta na náisiún beag mar a dúirt an tUachtarán Wilson, agus bhí prionsabal an fhéinchinnidh do náisiúin den sórt sin, go háirithe sna hImpireachtaí i lár na hEorpa a bhí curtha de dhroim seoil, cuid mhór chun tosaigh sa díospóireacht ag na cainteanna síochána ina dhiaidh sin ag Versailles. B’ait an ní i gcás roinnt náisiúnaithe de chuid na hÉireann go mbeidís ag troid in arm na Breataine ar mhaithe le cúis den sórt sin. Chomh maith leis sin, tháinig meath go tapaidh ar dhíograis an phobail don chogadh mar gur mothaíodh gur beag aitheantas a bhí á thabhairt do rannpháirtíocht na nÉireannach sin a liostáil. De réir mar a bhí saighdiúirí á marú agus bagairt an choinscríofa fós ann bhí meath ag teacht ar an díograis sin.

1916 Rising

Éirí Amach 1916

It was against this backdrop that the 1916 Rising was organised. Elements within the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB), a secret association going back to 1858, which had consistently held as their aim the securing of a separate and distinct Irish Republic, formed the plan. It was hoped that the Rising would secure Ireland a place at a peace conference after the war. IRB members had risen to positions of prominence in the Volunteers and it was this force, along with the Irish Citizen Army led by James Connolly, that carried out the Rising.

The broad spectrum of views and backgrounds of the Irish Volunteers was reflected in divisions amongst its leadership. The issue of conflicting orders, by those supporting and opposed to the Rising, made for a confused beginning to the Rising. It should be noted that the membership of the Irish Volunteers had risen from 2 - 3000 members in September 1914 to circa 15,000 by 1916. The organisation was strongly infiltrated by the Irish Republican Brotherhood.

On Easter Monday, 24 April, 1916, the General Post Office in Dublin was occupied by the insurgents and it became their headquarters. The Proclamation was read from here on the same day. The signatories were Thomas J. Clarke, Sean MacDiarmada, P.H. Pearse, James Connolly, Thomas MacDonagh, Éamonn Ceannt and Joseph Plunkett. It sets out their aspirations not just for freedom from British rule, but to create an Ireland where all people could be free to accomplish their potential regardless of their wealth, class or religion.

The insurgents also occupied other strategic buildings in Dublin, such as the Four Courts, Boland’s Bakery, Jacob's Factory, the Royal College of Surgeons and the South Dublin Union. While most of the action took place in Dublin, sizeable numbers of Volunteers turned out in Louth, Wexford, Galway and Ashbourne.

Fighting lasted a week and resulted in the deaths of over 250 civilians, 130 members of the crown forces and over 60 insurgents.

In an effort to prevent further bloodshed, Pearse declared an unconditional surrender which read “In order to prevent further slaughter of the civil population and in the hope of saving the lives of our followers, the members of the Provisional Government present at headquarters have decided on an unconditional surrender, and commandants or officers commanding districts will order their commands to lay down arms. P.H. Pearse, Dublin 30th April 1916.”

Many Volunteer units marched in formation to lay down their weapons.

It has to be said that, public opinion was not initially on the side of the insurgents, due to lack of understanding of the purpose, as well as the loss of life; the carnage and bloodshed. However, this was to quickly change.

Is sin é an chaoi a raibh cúrsaí nuair a eagraíodh Éirí Amach 1916. Is dream laistigh de Bhráithreachas Phoblacht na hÉireann (IRB), cumann rúnda a bhí ann ó 1858, a raibh sé mar aidhm sheasta acu Poblacht Éireannach ar leithligh a bhaint amach, a chruthaigh an plean. Bhíothas ag súil go gcinnteodh an tÉirí Amach áit d’Éirinn ag an gcomhdháil síochána tar éis an chogaidh. Bhí céimeanna arda ag comhaltaí den IRB sna hÓglaigh agus ba é an fórsa sin, i dteannta le Arm Cathartha na hÉireann faoi cheannas Shéamuis Uí Chonghaile, a bhí i mbun an Éirí Amach.

Ba léir réimse leathan thuairimí agus éagsúlacht cúlraí lucht Óglaigh na hÉireann san easaontas i measc na gceannairí. Bhí tús an Éirí Amach trína chéile mar gheall ar dhaoine a bhí ag tacú leis an Éirí Amach agus daoine a bhí ina choinne a bheith ag eisiúint orduithe a bhí ag teacht salach ar a chéile. Ba chóir a thabhairt ar aird gur ardaigh comhaltas Óglaigh na hÉireann ó 2/3000 comhalta i Meán Fómhair 1914 go dtí thart ar 15,000 faoi 1916. Bhí Bráithreachas Phoblacht na hÉireann tagtha isteach go mór san eagraíocht.

Ghabh na ceannaircí Ard-Oifig an Phoist Luan Cásca, an 24 Aibreán, 1916, agus bhí sé mar cheanncheathrú acu. Is as seo a léadh an forfhógra an lá céanna. Ba iad Tomás Ó Cléirigh, Seán Mac Diarmada, Pádraig Mac Piarais, Séamas Ó Conghaile, Tomás Mac Donnchadha, Éamon Ceannt agus Ióseph Ó Pluingcéad na sínitheoirí. Leagtar na haidhmeanna amach ann, ní amháin saoirse ó riail na Breataine, ach Éire a chruthú ina mbeadh na daoine go léir saor chun a lán-acmhainn a bhaint amach beag beann ar shaibhreas, aicme nó creideamh.

Ghlac na ceannaircí seilbh ar fhoirgnimh straitéiseacha eile i mBaile Átha Cliath freisin, ar nós na Ceithre Chúirt, Bácús Boland, Monarcha Jacob's, Coláiste Ríoga na Máinleá agus South Dublin Union. Cé gur tharla an chuid is mó den ghníomhaíocht i mBaile Átha Cliath, tháinig líon suntasach Óglach amach i Lú, Loch Garman, Gaillimh agus Cill Déagláin.

Mhair an troid ar feadh seachtaine agus maraíodh os cionn 250 sibhialach, 130 comhalta d’fhórsaí na corónach agus os cionn 60 ceannairceach mar thoradh air.

In iarracht aon dhoirteadh fola eile a chosc, d’fhógair an Piarsach géilleadh gan choinníoll ina ndúirt sé: "Chun tuilleadh sléachta ar an bpobal sibhialta a chosc agus i ndóchas go sábhálfar saol ár lucht leanúna, tá sé socraithe ag comhaltaí an Rialtais Shealadaigh atá i láthair ag an gceanncheathrú géilleadh gan chomha, agus ordóidh ceannfoirt nó oifigigh atá i gceannas ar dhúichí do na daoine atá faoina gceannas a gcuid arm a leagan uathu. Pádraig Mac Piarais, Baile Átha Cliath an 30ú Aibreán 1916." [Aistriúchán ar an mbunscríbhinn i nBéarla]

Mháirseáil go leor aonad de chuid na nÓglach in eagar chun a n-airm a leagan uathu.

Caithfear a rá nach raibh bá an phobail ar thaobh na gceannairceach ar dtús báire, mar gheall ar easpa tuisceana ar an gcuspóir, chomh maith le daoine a bheith ag fáil bháis; an t-ár agus an doirteadh fola. D’athraigh sé sin go tapaidh, áfach.

The Seven Signatories

An Seachtar Sínitheoirí

The Proclamation of the Irish Republic was signed on April 24 1916 by seven men from all walks of life. Read more about the Seven Signatories who each played an integral part in the Rising.

Rinne seachtar fear as gach aicme den tsochaí Forógra Phoblacht na hÉireann a shíniú ar an 24 Aibreán 1916. Léigh tuilleadh faoin Seachtar Sínitheoirí a raibh páirt lárnach ag gach duine acu san Éirí Amach.

Aftermath

Ina Dhiaidh Sin

The suppression of the Rising was immediate and vigorous. The city centre was shelled. Despite the concentration of activity in Dublin, martial law was proclaimed and extended across the country. Over 3,500 people were arrested – over twice the number who took part in the Rising. By May 1,600 had been interned in Wales, without trial.

Fifteen prominent insurgents were executed between 3rd May and 12th May. (Roger Casement was subsequently hanged in Pentonville Prison in August 1916). The executions, provoked public outrage, particularly those of William Pearse, for largely being the brother of Padraig Pearse; Major John MacBride, who had played no part in planning the Rising, but had previously attracted British hostility during the Boer War; a gravely ill Joseph Plunkett, and a badly wounded James Connolly. These events, allied to the fate of Francis Sheehy Skeffington, the well known pacifist and writer who was murdered during the Rising, as he sought to moderate its violence and prevent looting, rapidly turned public opinion. The long drawn out period of the executions – nine days - further inflamed public opinion. In the House of Commons, John Dillon of the Irish Parliamentary Party denounced British policy, contending that "in the whole of modern history… there has been no rebellion or insurrection put down with so much blood and so much savagery as the recent insurrection in Ireland." In lieu of funerals, masses were said for the executed, their bodies having been covered in quicklime. The return of released internees and the funeral of Thomas Ashe following his hunger strike in September 1917, became occasions of public demonstration.

Cuireadh an tÉirí Amach faoi chois go tapaidh agus go borb. Plancadh lár na cathrach. In ainneoin go raibh an ghníomhaíocht dírithe isteach ar Bhaile Átha Cliath, fógraíodh dlí airm agus leathnaíodh ar fud na tíre é.Gabhadh os cionn 3,500 duine – os cionn dhá oiread an líon a ghlac páirt san Éirí Amach. Faoi Bhealtaine bhí 1,600 duine imtheorannaithe sa Bhreatain Bheag, gan aon triail.

Cuireadh cúigear ceannairceach déag mór le rá chun báis idir an 3ú Bealtaine agus an 12ú Bealtaine. (Crochadh Roger Casement ina dhiaidh sin i bPríosún Pentonville i Lúnasa 1916). Chuir bás na ndaoine fearg ar an bpobal, go háirithe bás Liam Mhic Phiarais, ar an gcúis go bunúsach go mba deartháir le Pádraig Mac Piarais a bhí ann; bás an Mhaoir John MacBride, nach raibh baint ná páirt aige le pleanáil an Éirí Amach, ach a tharraing naimhdeas na Breataine air féin i rith Chogadh na mBórach; bás Ióseph Uí Pluingcéid a bhí go dona tinn agus bás Shéamuis Uí Chonghaile a bhí gonta go dona. Ba ghearr gur athraigh na himeachtaí sin, mar aon lenar tharla do Francis Sheehy Skeffington, síochánaí agus scríbhneoir cáiliúil a maraíodh i rith an Éirí Amach nuair a bhí sé ag iarraidh an foréigean a mhaolú agus creachadh a stopadh, tuairim an phobail. Choip an t-achar fada ar leanadh leis an gcur chun báis – naoi lá – an pobal tuilleadh. I dTeach na dTeachtaí, cháin John Dillon de chuid Pháirtí Parlaiminteach na hÉireann beartas na Breataine, á áiteamh "i nua-stair an domhain… nár cuireadh aon éirí amach ná ceannairc faoi chois leis an oiread sin fola agus brúidiúlachta agus a rinneadh leis an éirí amach a tharla díreach roimhe sin in Éirinn." In áit sochraidí, dúradh aifrinn don dream a maraíodh, óir go raibh a gcorp curtha in aol beo. B’ócáidí do léirsiú poiblí a bhí a bhfilleadh na n-imtheorannaithe agus sochraid Thomás Áis tar éis stailc ocrais i Meán Fómhair 1917.

Political Ramifications

Iarmhairtí Polaitíochta

The political ramifications of the Rising and its suppression were soon revealed in subsequent elections. The first of these occurred on 17 February 1917 in North Roscommon, when Count Plunkett, the father of the executed Joseph Plunkett was elected as an independent who would abstain from attending Westminster. Having backed Plunkett’s campaign, Michael Collins proposed Joe McGuinness as a candidate for the South Longford seat when it fell vacant in May. At the time McGuinness was serving a sentence in Lewes Gaol for his part in the Rising. Deported prisoners would provide the nucleus of a resurgent, declaredly separatist, Sinn Féin party who in October would consolidate their link with the Irish Volunteers when a former prisoner, Eamon de Valera, assumed the presidency of both organisations. That July, De Valera had won the East-Clare by-election, defeating a Home Rule candidate.

The Irish Parliamentary Party had continued in its efforts to secure Home Rule, and with a view to this end the Irish Convention first met in July 1917. Despite not concluding until April 1918, agreement could not be reached with Ulster Unionists over the issue, even though Southern Unionists were more accommodating, and Home Rule remained elusive. Simultaneously a new crisis was in its early stages. It would prove to be one which would solidify support for the new Sinn Féin.

The plan to introduce conscription into Ireland and the ensuing outcry from the public, cemented the transformation of Nationalist Ireland. Public indignation was vociferous, and a nationwide movement of resistance ensued. A one-day general strike was called and an anti-conscription pledge endorsed by Sinn Féin, the Irish Parliamentary Party, Labour and independent politicians. Despite the broad alliance formed on the issue of conscription, in the general election of 1918 Sinn Féin would secure an overwhelming victory, their declared aim being the establishment of Ireland as a recognised sovereign independent republic. Nationalist opinion had shifted.

The Representation of the People Act 1918 expanded the electorate to include all men over the age of 21 and all women over the age of 30. Later that year, the Parliamentary Qualification of Women Act 1918 gave women over 30 the right to stand for election as an MP. Countess Markievicz was the first woman to be elected M.P. The December 1918 election was the first General Election since December 1910, the 1916 one being postponed because of the war. A whole new generation of voters had emerged, influenced by 1916 and its aftermath, the conscription crisis, and the war itself. Pursuing a policy of abstention from Westminister by Sinn Fein, the election led to the formation of the Dáil, a democratic institution which survived the upheaval of the tumultuous years of 1919 to 1923.

Dáil Eireann continues today as our democratic parliament. Many of the surviving insurgents went on to serve with distinction as members of the Dáil and Government, as well as in other institutions of the new, independent Ireland.

The 1916 Rising was a seminal event led by men and women who held aspirations of a different type of Ireland, one which would guarantee religious and civil liberty and would pursue the happiness and prosperity of the whole nation, and all of its parts. It occurred at a time of conflict on the international stage, resulting in Irishmen losing their lives on the Western Front, Gallipoli, Mesopotamia, and at sea. The Rising resulted in the loss of many lives, be they combatants or innocent civilians. We commemorate these events on their imminent hundredth anniversary and mourn the loss of all those who died.

Ba ghearr gur léiríodh iarmhairtí polaitíochta an Éirí Amach agus cur faoi chois an Éirí Amach sna toghcháin ina dhiaidh sin. Tharla an chéad cheann díobh sin an 17 Feabhra 1917 i Ros Comáin Thuaidh, nuair a toghadh an Cunta Ó Pluingcéad, athair Ióseph Uí Pluingcéid a cuireadh chun báis, mar theachta neamhspleách. Ní raibh seisean le freastal ar Westminster. Tar éis tacú le feachtas Uí Phluingcéid, mhol Micheál Ó Coileáin Joe McGuinness mar iarrthóir do shuíochán an Longfoirt Theas nuair a bhí an suíochán sin folamh sa Bhealtaine. Bhí McGuinness ag cur pianbhreith isteach i bpríosún Lewes mar gheall ar an mbaint a bhí aige leis an Éirí Amach. Na príosúnaigh a cuireadh thar lear, ba iad bunús pháirtí Sinn Féin iad, páirtí a bhí ag láidriú arís agus a bhí ar son na deighilte leis an mBreatain, agus a neartaigh a nasc le hÓglaigh na hÉireann nuair a ghlac Éamon de Valera, iarphríosúnach, uachtaránacht an dá eagraíocht. I mí Iúil na bliana sin, bhuaigh De Valera corrthoghchán sa Chlár Thoir, ag fáil an bhua ar iarrthóir Rialtais Dúchais.

Lean Páirtí Parlaiminteach na hÉireann ag iarraidh Rialtas Dúchais a bhaint amach, agus chun na críche sin bhí a gcéad chruinniú ag Comhdháil na hÉireann i mí Iúil 1917. In ainneoin nár chríochnaigh an Chomhdháil go dtí Aibreán 1918, ní fhéadfaí teacht ar chomhaontú le hAontachtaithe Uladh ar an gceist, fiú agus Aontachtaithe an Deiscirt níos báúla, agus ní bhfuarthas an Rialtas Dúchais. Ag an am céanna bhí géarchéim nua ina tús. Chruthódh sí a bheith ar ghéarchéim a dhaingneodh tacaíocht don Sinn Féin nua.

Mar gheall ar an bplean coinscríobh a thabhairt isteach in Éirinn agus an clampar a lean ón bpobal tháinig athrú ó bhonn ar Éire Náisiúnach. Bhí mhór é fearg an phobail agus lean gluaiseacht náisiúnta frithbheartaíochta. Gairmeadh stailc ghinearálta aon lae agus tugadh geall in aghaidh an choinscríofa le tacaíocht ó Shinn Féin, Páirtí Parlaiminteach na hÉireann, Páirtí an Lucht Oibre agus polaiteoirí neamhspleácha leis. In ainneoin an chomhaontaithe leathan a cruthaíodh ar cheist an choinscríofa, gheobhadh Sinn Féin bua ollmhór san olltoghchán i 1918, agus é mar aidhm dhearbhaithe acu Éire a bheith ina poblacht neamhspleách ceannasach aitheanta. Bhí seasamh na Náisiúnaithe athraithe.

Leathnaigh an Representation of the People Act, 1918 na toghthóirí chun gach fear os cionn 21 bhliain d’aois agus gach bean os cionn 30 bliain d’aois a chur san áireamh. Níos deireanaí an bhliain sin, thug an Parliamentary Qualification of Women Act, 1918 an ceart do mhná os cionn 30 bliain d’aois seasamh do thoghchán mar MP. Ba í an Chuntaois Markievicz an chéad bhean a toghadh ina M.P. Ba é an toghchán i mí na Nollag 1918 an chéad Olltoghchán ó mhí na Nollag 1910, bhí toghchán 1916 curtha ar ceal mar gheall ar an gcogadh. Tháinig glúin nua iomlán de vótóirí chun cinn, a bhí faoi anáil 1916 agus ar tharla ina dhiaidh, agus faoi anáil ghéarchéim an choinscríofa agus an chogaidh féin. Ag leanúint polasaí ag Sinn Féin gan freastal ar Westminster, cruthaíodh an Dáil mar thoradh ar an toghchán. Mhair an Dáil mar fhoras daonlathach trí mhórchlaochlú na mblianta suaite ó 1919 go dtí 1923.

Is í Dáil Éireann go fóill ár bparlaimint dhaonlathach sa lá atá inniu ann. Chuaigh go leor de na ceannaircigh a mhair ar aghaidh agus d’fhóin go hoirearc mar chomhaltaí den Dáil agus den rialtas, chomh maith le forais eile, san Éirinn nua, neamhspleách.

B’ócáid an-mhór a bhí in Éirí Amach 1916 a tharla faoi cheannas fhir agus mhná a raibh aidhmeanna acu d’Éirinn de chineál eile, Éire a rathódh saoirse creidimh agus saoirse shibhialta agus a lorgódh séan agus sonas don náisiún uile, agus do gach roinn den náisiún sin. Tharla sé ag tráth coimhlinte sa saol idirnáisiúnta, ar choimhlint í inar bhásaigh Éireannaigh ar an bhFronta Thiar, in Gallipoli, in Mesopotamia agus ar muir. Cailleadh go leor daoine mar gheall ar an Éirí Amach, bíodh siad ina gcomhraiceoirí nó ina sibhialaigh. Déanaimid na himeachtaí seo a chomóradh ar a gcuimhneachán céad bliain agus cuimhnímid orthu siúd go léir a fuair bás lena linn.

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